Watch live: Donald Trump gives first speech to UN general assembly

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self-control and reflexive dishonesty. Listen to the audio version of this article:Feature stories, read aloud: self-aggrandizement; Richard Nixon's paranoia, insecurity, and indifference to law; and Bill Clinton's lack of download the Audm app for your iPhone. ADVERTISING inRead invented by Teads "Enlightened statesmen will not Andrew Jackson's rage; Millard Fillmore's bigotry; James Buchanan's incompetence and spite; Theodore Roosevelt's officials within his own administration. Trump is a Frankenstein's monster of past presidents' worst attributes: always be at the helm, " James Madison wrote in one of the Federalist Papers during the debates over the in his abusive attacks on the courts, the press, Congress (including members of his own party), and even senior ratification of the Constitution. He was right, but he never could have imagined Donald Trump. At this point in president so ill-informed about the nature of his office, so openly mendacious, so self-destructive, or so brazen the singular Trump presidency, we can begin to assess its impact on American democracy. The news thus far is not donald trump is testing the institution of the presidency unlike any of his 43 predecessors. We have never had a all bad. The Constitution's checks and balances have largely stopped Trump from breaking the law. And while he has former president Richard M. Nixon preemptively for offenses he "committed or may have committed" while in is charged with a crime, and the scope of a presidential pardon can be very broad. President Gerald Ford pardoned hurt his own administration, his successors likely won't repeat his self-destructive antics. The prognosis for the

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the way; he has attacked the courts, the press, his predecessor, his former electoral opponent, members of his party, the intelligence community, and even his own attorney general; he has failed to release his tax returns or lies; he has shifted back and forth and back again on his policies, often contradicting Cabinet officials along to fill senior political positions in many agencies; he has shown indifference to ethics concerns; he has is a norm-busting president without parallel in American history. He has told scores of easily disprovable public regularly interjected a self-regarding political element into apolitical events; he has monetized the presidency There is no canonical list of presidential norms. They are rarely noticed until they are violated. Donald Trump briefings, pay public respect to our allies, and not fire the FBI director for declining to pledge his loyalty. by linking it to his personal business interests; and he has engaged in cruel public behavior. The list goes on structure their actions. Norms, not laws, create the expectation that a president will take regular intelligence and on. Presidential norm-breaking is neither new nor always bad. Thomas Jefferson refused to continue the principles of appropriate behavior that presidents and other officials tacitly accept and that typically practice begun by George Washington and John Adams of delivering the State of the Union address in person before balances, and the nation's appreciation for them. Trump has been less constrained by norms, the nonlegal Congress, because he believed it resembled the British monarch speaking before Parliament. For the next 112 American Security wrote for Slate. Even if future presidents don't repeat Trump's practices, he will have done leave "tattered shreds of the military's ethics and values in their wake, " Phillip Carter of the Center for a New great harm if attitudes change within the military toward the chain of command and the appropriateness of service regulations and customs forbidding them from lobbying. These practices threaten to politicize the military and members' engagement in politics. Trump is also politicizing the judiciary. He has accused the judges reviewing audiences. He has even urged soldiers to contact members of Congress in support of his policies, contrary to his January immigration order, and a replacement order he signed in March, of trampling presidential prerogatives executive order on immigration in the Pentagon's Hall of Heroes and by giving political speeches before military and endangering national security. But the judges reviewing Trump's orders engaged in norm-breaking behavior of leverage popular admiration for the military into backing for his policies, such as by signing his initial other presidents, he has staffed senior positions with current and former military brass. He has attempted to their own. Courts have always been political, in the sense that laws and precedents don't always yield obvious military while president, but he has taken a wrecking ball to customs of civilian–military relations. More than answers and, especially in high-stakes cases, judges' personal views can matter. But it is important to judicial for very different political ends that they deem worthy but that might not be. Trump has not attacked the U.S. a matter that arose "directly" from an inquiry into possible collusion with a foreign government. The president's legal representatives have also identified what they allege are several conflicts of interest facing could potentially challenge whether a broad probe of Trump's finances prior to his candidacy could be considered his dealings with Comey, as well as the business activities of Jared Kushner, Trump's son-in-law. Trump's team Mueller, such as donations to Democrats by some of his prosecutors. Another potential conflict claim is an justice. Mueller's probe has already expanded to include an examination of whether Trump obstructed justice in allegation that Mueller and Trump National Golf Club in Northern Virginia had a dispute over membership fees when investigation" and any crimes committed in response to the investigation, such as perjury or obstruction of Mueller resigned as a member in 2011, two White House advisers said. A spokesman for Mueller said there was no Russian government and the Trump campaign, as well as "any matters that arose or may arise directly from the dispute when Mueller, who was FBI director at the time, left the club. Trump also took public aim on Wednesday special counsel in a written order. That order gave Mueller broad authority to investigate links between the displeasure with the FBI's Russia investigation — Deputy Attorney General Rod J. Rosenstein appointed Mueller as at Attorney General Jeff Sessions and Rosenstein, whose actions led to Mueller's appointment. In an interview his finances." Following Trump's decision to fire FBI Director James B. Comey — in part because of his essentially takes law-enforcement away from our country, is ridiculous and will be overturned!, " Trump wrote. He executive tweeted the first of many attacks against Robart. "The opinion of this so-called judge, which would appeal, rather than defy, Robart's injunction. We don't know why Trump acquiesced. Perhaps his staff executive branch would pursue review in higher courts. And 10 hours later, at 8:12 a.m., the incensed chief convinced him that ignoring the ruling would spark resignations in the White House and the Justice Department, as statement declaring that the Justice Department would seek to stay the "outrageous order, " which meant that the can imagine him ranting deliriously after Robart issued his decision. But at 10:05 p.m., the White House put out a well as congressional reprisal, which would jeopardize his two-week-old presidency. Whatever the reason, the most tapes to a special prosecutor, Nixon famously acquiesced. Would Trump? We can imagine that he didn't want to. We powerful man in the world complied with the edict of a little-known federal trial judge on an issue at the top of many worried that Nixon would disobey the Supreme Court in 1974 when it ordered him to turn over his incriminating his agenda. The Constitution held. The still-unfolding russia investigation is a second context in which checks World War II case involving Nazi saboteurs. But during the next few decades, judicial authority solidified. Though and balances have worked well thus far. The possibility that the president's inner circle might have colluded with authority to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and Franklin Roosevelt threatened to ignore the Supreme Court in a Watch live: Donald Trump gives first speech to UN general assembly