U.S. President Donald Trump addresses U.S. Air Force Full Speech officials said. Currently, the discussions of pardoning authority by Trump's legal team are purely theoretical, according to two people familiar with the ongoing conversations. But if Trump pardoned himself in the face of the ongoing Mueller investigation, it would set off a legal and political firestorm, first around the question of whether a president can use the constitutional pardon power in that way. "This is a fiercely debated but unresolved legal question, " said Brian C. Kalt, a constitutional law expert at Michigan State University who has written extensively on the question. The power to pardon is granted to the president in Article II, Section 2, of the Constitution, which gives the commander in chief the power to "grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment." That means pardon authority extends to federal criminal prosecution but not to state level or impeachment inquiries. No president has sought to pardon himself, so no courts have reviewed it. Although Kalt says the weight of the law argues against a president pardoning himself, he says the question is open and predicts such an action would move through the courts all the way to the Supreme Court. READ MORE Trump warns Mueller not to probe finances beyond Russia investigation "There is no predicting what would happen, " said Kalt, author of the book, "Constitutional Cliffhangers: A Legal Guide for Presidents and Their Enemies." It includes chapters on the ongoing debate over whether presidents can be prosecuted while in office and on whether a president can issue a pardon to himself. Other White House advisers
http://bit.ly/2x6dzUQthe investigation. On Monday, lawyer Ty Cobb, newly brought into the White House to handle responses to the Russian probe, convened a meeting with the president and his team of lawyers, according to two people briefed on self-aggrandizement; Richard Nixon's paranoia, insecurity, and indifference to law; and Bill Clinton's lack of self-control and reflexive dishonesty. Listen to the audio version of this article:Feature stories, read aloud: download the Audm app for your iPhone. ADVERTISING inRead invented by Teads "Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm, " James Madison wrote in one of the Federalist Papers during the debates over the ratification of the Constitution. He was right, but he never could have imagined Donald Trump. At this point in the singular Trump presidency, we can begin to assess its impact on American democracy. The news thus far is not all bad. The Constitution's checks and balances have largely stopped Trump from breaking the law. And while he has hurt his own administration, his successors likely won't repeat his self-destructive antics. The prognosis for the rest of our democratic culture is grimmer, however. Trump's bizarre behavior has coarsened politics and induced harmful norm-breaking by the institutions he has attacked. These changes will be harder to undo. Trump, in short, is wielding a Soprano touch on American institutions. "I'm fucking King Midas in reverse here, " Tony Soprano once told his therapist. "Everything I touch turns to shit." The framers of the constitution wanted to create a powerful, independent executive branch, but they didn't want to stoke fears that the new United States would
play free online gameArticle II vests the president with "executive Power, " but it doesn't define the term, and it gives the president only a few rather modest enumerated powers. RELATED STORIES How Trump Is Ending the American Era The First White President The Mind of Donald Trump These vague constitutional contours allowed the presidency to grow, in response to changes in society and the world, into a gargantuan institution that the Framers never could have foreseen. The president's control over the bully pulpit, federal law enforcement, and the national-security establishment has made the office the dominant force in American government and a danger to constitutional liberties. The flexible structure of the office has meant that it is defined largely by the person who occupies it—his character, competence, and leadership skills. Great presidents, such as Washington, Abraham Lincoln, and Franklin D. Roosevelt, exercised power wisely (though controversially) to lead the nation through crisis. But Richard Nixon debased the office and betrayed the Constitution and our laws, while others, like Ulysses S. Grant and Warren G. Harding, allowed the executive branch to become engulfed in corruption and scandal. "He is unlikely to be contained by norms and customs, or even by laws and the Constitution." This was the background to the executive and would use his power responsibly, they established an unstructured office with ambiguous authorities. near-hysterical worries when Trump became president. During the campaign, he pledged to act in illegal ways; expressed illiberal attitudes toward freedom of speech, religion, and the press; attacked immigrants and constitutional oath to "preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States" seemed disdainful of the rule of law and almost certain to abuse his power. "He is unlikely to be contained by norms and customs, or even by laws and the Constitution, " wrote Peter Wehner, a circumspect Republican commentator, in The New York Times the day after Trump's inauguration. Wehner captured, in an understated way, prevalent fears about Trump's presidency. Thus far, however, Trump has been almost entirely blocked from violating laws or the Constitution. The courts, the press, the bureaucracy, civil society, and even Congress have together robustly enforced the rule of law. Trump's initial executive order on immigration—a temporary ban on entry for people from seven Muslim-majority countries that were not obvious sources of terrorist activity inside the United States—was widely seen as his first step toward authoritarianism. Issued seven days into his presidency, the ban was sloppily written, barely vetted inside the executive branch, legally overbroad, and incompetently rolled out. The administration gave the people subject to the ban's edicts no notice, which led to bedlam at airports. Many you choose to use heat, straighten/curl your hair 3-4 times per week—daily Image titled Cut Hair in Layers Step 15 3 Brush and style your hair. If heat can damage the hair. If you do insist on using heat to style your out. This will make your hair look as if you just walked out of the salon. so I have security costs now, " he said. "We've had to install security. I've had to take security precautions at family following "death threats". "I have the associate costs of being in the spotlight of a bogus investigation, that he had cashed in his children's college fund to help pay the lawyer and also provide extra security for his it takes a certain type of attorney, and they're quite competent. And you'll pay for competency." Mr Caputo added and nobody's called me and offered to help, " he said. "The problem is, it's very specialised representation, so both my home and at my office, and with my children, so these all add up very quickly." He claimed the probes campaign adviser, Michael Caputo, said he was paying a substantial amount in legal costs. "It's very expensive Donald Trump's first 100 days: in cartoons 33 show all Speaking to the Washington Examiner, one former Trump presidential candidate Ms Clinton, the President has given conflicting accounts of how much he knew about this. Trump Jr met with a lawyer linked to the Kremlin who promised to provide compromising information about then by Mr Mueller and others is whether the Trump administration colluded with Moscow. After it emerged that Donald were political, adding that opponents of Mr Trump wanted to see "a smoking crater where he once stood". READ potential presidency" because it had a "clear preference for President-elect Trump". 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